Monday, January 26, 2026

Lessons from Germany 2

Crisis, Class, and Political Recomposition

Recent electoral developments in Germany complicate a diagnosis that has become fashionable across parts of the contemporary left: that the deepening crisis of capitalism has rendered class politics obsolete, and that any apparent revival of class-based organization can only be illusory, nostalgic, or politically empty. The renewed momentum of Die Linke – 2025 marked its best electoral performance since 2017 and a significant improvement over 2021 – does not mark a return to a vanished social-democratic world, nor does it resolve the contradictions of an economic order in visible decay. But it does present an inconvenient fact for theories that mistake systemic breakdown for historical finality.

What calls for explanation is not the existence of crisis – this is beyond dispute – but the persistence, under conditions of generalized insecurity, of attempts to rebuild collective agency. Die Linke’s gains have coincided with a sustained engagement with the lived material experience of major strains of the country’s population, marked by stagnating wages, chronic housing shortages, the normalization of precarious work, the feminization of insecurity through care labor, and the everyday coercion of a labor market organized around flexibility and disposability. These forces are unevenly distributed, but widely shared. They traverse the lines separating native German workers from immigrants, men from women, and majority populations from racialized minorities; not by dissolving these differences, but by subjecting them to a common regime of exploitation.

In this setting, class solidarity cannot be dismissed as an anachronistic mirage generated by desperation or false consciousness. Neither can it be reduced to an ethical proclamation. It emerges rather as a practical response to converging conditions. The tentative unity that has taken shape is not grounded in cultural homogeneity or national belonging, but in the recognition that the same economic order that devalues migrant labor also corrodes the security of native workers, that the system dependent on women’s underpaid and unpaid care work disciplines the entire working class, and that the erosion of public provision ultimately weakens all those whose lives depend on wages, services, and collective infrastructures. Class reappears here not as an abstraction, but as a lived relation, necessarily multi-ethnic, gendered, and heterogeneous; fractured, conflictual, and nonetheless articulable.

What defines the present is not the disappearance of class – or of class struggle, for that matter – but its recomposition under conditions of fragmentation. Far from rendering class obsolete through the exhaustion of value, the microelectronic revolution displaces class antagonism from accumulation to crisis management, recomposing class from a relation centered on labor-time into one structured by neoliberal dispossession, social reproduction, and organized abandonment, in which exploitation persists in new forms alongside the coercive governance of surplus populations.

Today’s working class is more diverse, more polarized, and more insecure than in earlier phases of capitalist development. It is also increasingly bound together by shared exposure to market discipline, by the collapse of social reproduction, and by the privatization of risks once collectively absorbed. When political projects succeed, even partially, in giving these experiences a common language without translating them into moral denunciation or cultural warfare, they demonstrate that class unity is not a theoretical inheritance but a contingent achievement.

The alternative – retreating into the claim that any political movement is illusory, that class organization itself belongs to a bygone epoch, or that emancipation can only follow total systemic collapse – amounts to analytic resignation. Draped in the rhetoric of radical critique, it risks reproducing the passivity it claims to diagnose, leaving the field open to reactionary forces far more adept at converting material suffering into exclusionary forms of belonging.

The lesson of the present conjuncture thus is not that electoral politics can resolve capitalism’s contradictions, but that the terrain of class struggle remains open and contested. Class politics survives not as neo-Keynesian systemic regulation or an ethereal project of value abolition, but as solidaristic struggle over the infrastructural, ecological, feminist, and anti-racist conditions of collective survival. A left capable of grounding solidarity in material life – across lines of origin, gender, and color – stands a better chance of confronting exploitation in its contemporary forms than one content to pronounce the end of history from the sidelines. As with the reconstruction of any oppositional public sphere, the decisive work lies not in theoretical closure, but in the uneven, unfinished effort to rebuild collective power where everyday life is actually lived.

Saturday, December 6, 2025

To My Father, at 70

There was a time
when time itself hardly counted
we rolling down grassy slopes
or laying upon sun-warmed stones
watching swallows, hawks and vultures
score their lines across the sky
at the vesper hour

Then came another – remember?
when we were allowed
to expect a different future
to trust that the road ahead might widen
if only enough people gathered
and pushed everything forward

But that time too passed
and another rose in its stead
asking merely that we wait
in quiet rooms and shuttered days
while the world held
its breath
and revealed how the ordinary
rests on fragile ground

The times that run now
demand in turn
that we keep on walking
with neither parade nor promise
yet also
without yielding to bitterness
or illusion.

Out of all this a life is molded
that will not be dimmed
by easy certainties
and perhaps that is
the greatest lesson
I learned from you

So all I can wish is that
in these convulsed days
the chapters yet to come reach you
under gentler weather
and that companions walk beside you
with the same fidelity
with which you
walked beside me


PARA O MEU PAI, AOS 70

Houve um tempo
em que o tempo nem contava
rolávamos na grama
ou deitávamos na pedra quente
vendo andorinhas, gaviões e urubus
riscarem o céu
no crepúsculo vespertino

Depois sobreveio um outro – lembra?
em que nos foi permitido
esperar um futuro diferente
acreditar que a estrada adiante pudesse se alargar
se somente gente suficiente se ajuntasse
e empurrasse tudo pra frente

Mas também aquele tempo passou
e outro tomou seu lugar
pedindo apenas que esperássemos
em quartos quietos e dias fechados
enquanto o mundo prendia
a respiração
revelando como o comum
pode ser frágil

Os tempos que correm
exigem por seu turno
que continuemos caminhando
sem desfile nem promessa
mas também
sem ceder ao amargor
ou à ilusão

De tudo isso se molda uma vida
que não se deixa ofuscar
por certezas fáceis
e talvez essa seja
a maior lição
que aprendi com você

E assim só posso desejar que
nesses dias convulsionados
os próximos capítulos lhe cheguem
com um clima mais brando
e que companheiros caminhem ao seu lado
com a mesma fidelidade com que você
caminhou ao meu

[poem originally written in Portuguese; English translation by the author]

Friday, October 31, 2025

Autumn Room, 2025

Afternoon pours in
slow metal of light.
Leaves outside burn
without smoke.
 
On the carpet my son
commands his plastic ninjas
humming as they fight.
The stereo hums too
Forces of Nature
for Jack DeJohnette
now gone.
 
The paper repeats the weather
yesterday’s, worse.
Nuclear tests to be resumed
a storm baptized with a sweet girl’s name
ravages Jamaica, Haiti, Cuba
Gaza burning again
Khartoum, Goma, Rio’s Alemão
elsewhere, always elsewhere
the same geography of disaster.
 
As the music drifts
the house sighs
the coffee on my tongue
already cooling toward evening’s spirits.
 
My son’s small sounds
slice the air.
Everything holds
somehow
precarious, without pause.
The world continues.
 
And we, alive in its machinery, take
our turns at witnessing
witnessing itself growing tired.
 
                    
 
SALA DE OUTONO, 2025
 
A tarde entra
metal lento de luz.
As folhas lá fora queimam
sem fumaça.
 
No tapete meu filho
comanda seus ninjas de plástico
cantando enquanto lutam.
O toca-discos também zune
Forces of Nature
em memória
de Jack DeJohnette.
 
O jornal repete o tempo
de ontem, pior.
Testes nucleares a serem retomados
um furacão com nome de menina
arrasa Jamaica, Haiti, Cuba
Gaza queimando de novo
Cartum, Goma, Alemão
noutro lugar, sempre noutro lugar
a mesma geografia do desastre.
 
Enquanto a música deriva
a casa suspira
o café na minha língua
já esfriando em direção aos espíritos noturnos.
 
A sonoplastia do meu filho
fatia o ar.
Tudo se mantém
de algum modo
precário, sem pausa.
O mundo continua.
 
E nós, vivos em sua engrenagem
tornamos a testemunhar
o testemunhar cansando.
 
[poem originally written in Portuguese; English translation by the author]

Friday, October 17, 2025

Forms of the Implausible

On Frédéric Lordon’s Misreading of One Battle After Another

In a recent piece, Frédéric Lordon approaches Paul Thomas Anderson’s latest film with his conclusions already in hand, a kind of a priori certainty that betrays an aesthetic traditionalism and prevents him from recognizing, in the very absurdities he mocks (such as the neo-Nazi headquarters of the “Christmas Adventurers”, with its minimalist design and built-in gas chamber), a form of deliberate exaggeration.

For these moments are not lapses of taste but strategies of critical hyperbole, the means by which Anderson renders the truth-content of a specific historical configuration. To demand realism here is to miss the point: the excess is part of the diagnosis. What Lordon condemns as implausible is, in fact, the necessary form of a critique attuned to its own time. His socialist-realist framework cannot register this.

More broadly, Lordon conflates a fragment of the bourgeois reception of the film with its own aesthetic and political project. He treats the enthusiasm of a particular audience as if it revealed the film’s inner meaning.

Yet One Battle After Another is not about “the Revolution” in the abstract; it is historically grounded – despite its temporal shifts between the militant legacies of the 70s-80s and the post-2008 landscape. Far from romanticizing armed activism, Anderson’s film criticizes precisely those vanguardist (mostly petty-bourgeois) formations – the Weather Underground, to be sure, the most caricatured of them all, but also their arguably more serious counterparts outside the U.S.: the RAF in Germany, the Brigate Rosse in Italy, the Action Directe in France, the CCC in Belgium, the JRA in Japan... – that sought to carry on a socialist revolution without any genuine popular base. To read the film as a mere celebration of such movements is to invert its meaning.

Even more revealing is Lordon’s silence on what is arguably the film’s most powerful dimension, both ethically and aesthetically: the clandestine network that protects undocumented immigrants (by several accounts, largely Benicio del Toro’s invention). This sequence embodies the very collective process he insists is missing: popular organization and mutual aid, but also the apprenticeship of revolution, the people in motion, mainly the youth, rendered with exquisite photographic care.

Ultimately, Lordon’s piece has little to do with One Battle After Another itself. His true object is its reception by a narrow cultural milieu – left-wing bourgeois-bohème –which he mistakes for the film’s message. In doing so, he abandons aesthetic analysis in favor of sociological caricature, reducing a complex cinematic experience to the projection surface of his own polemical habits.

Tuesday, October 14, 2025

Residual Revolution

The Quiet Politics of Vineland and One Battle After Another

When Thomas Pynchon published Vineland in 1990, the novel read as a post-Reagan elegy for the long twilight of the ’60s, populated by ex-radicals, countercultural communes, and a society that had learned to domesticate dissent. Thirty-five years later, Paul Thomas Anderson’s One Battle After Another, his loose, fever-bright adaptation of Vineland, feels tuned to our late-digital moment: a vision of political disillusion refracted through cinematic spectacle.

One Battle After Another has been justly praised on many fronts: for its storytelling, plot construction, pacing, and blending of multiple tonal registers (political satire, action thriller, noir comedy), as well as for the profound humanity of the main characters, so vividly rendered that even the worst of them, the cruel and despicable Col. Lockjaw, elicits a fleeting sense of empathy by the end ,which is not the case with the even more vile and obnoxious Christmas adventurers.

The cast, to be sure, delivers career-best performances, breathing life into every nuance. And visually, the film is indeed a feast, filled with arresting vistas and breathtaking sequences  – from the opening border-wall tableau to the final car chase, with the camera arcing and plunging like a surfer chasing a monstrous wave –, all crafted with artistry and bound together by Jonny Greenwoods astonishing score, which functions not merely as accompaniment but as an interpretive force in its own right.

And yet, critical reservations have emerged, particularly regarding the film’s depiction of revolution and political action, and the ambiguity of its moral centre; reservations that open a window onto its dialogue with Vineland.

Pynchon’s novel is a sustained meditation on lost revolutionary potential and how remnants of that energy might still be tapped at a time of political exhaustion. Set in 1984, it continually flashes back to the ’60s counterculture, where spectral figures  (the Thanatoids )are haunted by the defeats of that eras radical movements. By contrast, One Battle After Another has been criticized, particularly from a leftist perspective, for transforming political longing into spectacle, turning resistance into mere display. In this view, revolutionary desire becomes kink or stylistic flourish rather than collective orientation, obscuring the subtler, enduring political currents that Pynchon cultivates.

Such a binary  the power of memory versus the seduction of spectacle   misses the deeper continuity between the works. Vineland reflects a moment of disillusionment. Pynchon looks back at the ’60s through the lens of the Reagan era, defined by corporate dominance, militarization, and the emergence of the culture wars , features that today attain the paroxysm.

Though the Vietnam War was over, the psychic aftermath of both the war and the counterculture’s failure to sustain its radical ideals remained vivid. The novel is thus less an exercise in nostalgia than an inquiry into the collapse of a particular vision of freedom and revolution, exploring the gulf opened between promise and reality.

Pynchon portrays a generation suspended between the remnants of non-conformism and the entrenched conservative order that replaced it, a moment when resistance was simultaneously fragmented, repressed, and co-opted, caught in the constant tension between the desire for transformation and the crushing weight of power structures.

The connection between the two periods is tenuous but not entirely lost. Prairie Wheeler, the fourteen-year-old daughter of former radicals, embodies this fragile continuity. She may not inherit her mother Frenesi Gates’s revolutionary fervor, yet she still inhabits a world shaped by that earlier struggle.

Beneath its comic surface, Vineland exposes the legacy of COINTELPRO-style repression and the ways in which the state systematically dismantled and absorbed anti-establishment dissent. Though that utopian charge has waned, Pynchon suggests that traces persist, in memory, in scattered acts of resistance, and in the absurd resilience of figures like Zoyd Wheeler.

In Vineland, the middle names of Prairie’s parents  Frenesi Margaret Gates and Zoyd Herbert Wheeler  function as covert historical signifiers that condense the ideological shift from the radical 60s to the neoliberal 80s. Margaret invokes Thatcher and the consolidation of market hegemony, while Herbert alludes to Marcuse, emblem of the countercultural Left. Frenesi personifies seduction and betrayal: a onetime radical turned state collaborator, moving from underground film collectives to work for the Nixonian political pornography machine. Zoyd, by contrast, now hapless, aging, and stuck in ritualized rebellion, represents a ghostly trace of that earlier intellectual ferment, now faded into nostalgia and farce. 

Their unlikely union, producing Prairie, allegorizes the fusion of these antagonistic legacies: the utopian impulse of the ’60s  the radical vision of a civilization of Eros  absorbed and neutralized within the hyper-commodified, post-ideological landscape of the Reagan era. Through this pairing, Pynchon dramatizes the passage from the utopian and collectivist aspirations of the New Left to the besieged and managed subjectivity of late imperial America.

That’s where the deviations and overlapping between Pynchon’s novel and Anderson’s film come into play. As critic Rory Doherty notes in his review for Time magazine: 

“Apart from their contrasting structural approaches and character backstories, the biggest difference between text and film is setting. Vineland is overflowing with period detail, often ludicrous and sometimes satirically invented, rooted in the history of radicals being expunged by the Nixonian establishment, leading to the inevitable, reductive confines of Reagan’s ‘War on Drugs’ project. But the immediacy of One Battle After Another  with its ICE-like detention camps, unlawful militias storming American streets, and elites who promote white supremacy in closed-door meetings  was intended to embellish the spirit of Vineland rather than undermine it.”

Both novel and film imagine the wreckage of American radicalism, but they do so through different narrative devices and angles. In Pynchon’s novel, the People’s Republic of Rock and Roll (PR³) and the film collective 24fps form a paired allegory for the counterculture’s collapse into image and surveillance. In One Battle After Another, the militant faction French 75 re-stages that collapse in a more literal, violent key, turning the mediated irony of Pynchon’s world into a cinematic drama of insurgency and defeat. Taken together, they trace the passage from revolution as festival to revolution as ghost story.

In Vineland, PR³ is born from the irreverent utopian impulse of the ’60s: a college enclave that proclaims itself a sovereign micro-nation of peace, music, and weed. Pynchon renders it with the tone of a deadpan fable: the moment when political desire turns theatrical. Yet its very theatricality bears the imprint of its undoing. The members of the commune are already performing their freedom for the camera, which belongs to 24fps, the film collective that both documents and aestheticizes dissent. When Frenesi, 24fps’s camerawoman, begins filming for the authorities, the line between art and surveillance blurs. The revolution’s dream of visibility curdles into exposure. 

Allegorically, PR³ and 24fps represent the two faces of late-’60s radicalism: the yearning for liberated community and the fatal belief that liberation could be seen,that image was truth. Pynchon suggests that the countercultures tragedy lay not in repression alone but in its transformation into spectacle, its incorporation into the media economy it meant to overthrow.

One Battle After Another retools this parable into a more direct historical allegory. Its insurgent cell, French 75, condenses the real-world Weather Underground and similar militant groups that turned from protest to armed struggle. Where PR³ parodies the carnival republic, French 75 enacts the firing squad’s logic, yielding to the twin temptations of moral witness and elite voluntarism: the despairing revolt of a dissident petty-bourgeois group without a popular base.

The film compresses Pynchon’s layered temporality into a streamlined narrative of rise and ruin: bombings, betrayals, the erosion of ideals. Allegorically, French 75 stands for the afterimages of the ’60s, the moment when the spectacle of revolution sought to shatter itself through violence, only to become another genre of entertainment. The movie’s sleek cinematography and rhythmic editing make its very depiction of militancy complicit in the spectacle it critiques, accentuating that in both media ecologies, there is no exit from mediation.

Thus, PR³/24fps and French 75 form a dialectic. If Pynchon’s countercultural rebels are undone by representation, Anderson’s radicals implode in the immediacy of outrage. One is undone by the camera, the other by the gun. Between them unfolds the allegory of American idealism’s decay: the slow drift from communal euphoria to paranoia, from visibility to its weaponization.

By transforming PR³’s stoned republic into French 75’s guerrilla network, One Battle After Another trades Pynchon’s postmodern melancholy for tragic immediacy, yet both works end in the same space: the Reaganite (or Trumpist, it makes no difference) wasteland where rebellion survives only as image, an image that, in Anderson’s hands, intensifies rather than resolves that condition.

In that sense, PR³, 24fps, and French 75 are not different factions but sequential masks of the same fallen dream. Each names a stage in the long allegory of resistance: first the commune, then the camera, then the cell, each crushed, recorded, and replayed, until nostalgia is all that remains.

Yet there is another side to this story. Despite their differing emphases, both book and film are less concerned with simply recalling the past than with imagining how resistance, drawing on past experience, might persist in the present.

In Vineland, Pynchon’s focus on family (Prairie, Zoyd, Frenesi) and on the fragile solidarity of those left behind after the collapse of the counterculture points to the endurance of resistance through everyday care, loyalty, and kinship. If One Battle After Another carries this impulse forward, then what might appear to some viewers as spectacularization becomes instead a cinematic retranslation of that same political energy: a vision of how small solidarities, improvised alliances, and acts of attention persist within the hypermediated landscape of late neoliberalism. The parallel with Vineland might, in this sense, shed further light on this transformation.

Pynchon’s novel moves in the dreamlike, mnemonic, and fragmentary logic that defines his work: memory, transgression, failure, and the not-yet matter as much as the ostensible plot. Dreams and fantasies in Pynchon often operate as latent sites of political desire.

In Vineland, Prairie, the teenage girl yearning to reunite with her mother, stands in for the desire to maintain continuity with a radical past, a past foreclosed amid Reagan’s re-election campaign and by the then already omnipresent Tube (television), yet enduring virtually. Prairie inherits history and its defeats, though not in the same way as her parent’s generation. The crushed utopian energies of the ’60s persist, lingering in the present and waiting for another historical opening.

Watching archival footage of an earlier protest, she feels a belated surge of its lost intensity: 

“Even through the crude old color and distorted sound, Prairie could feel the liberation in the place that night, the faith that anything was possible, that nothing could stand in the way of such joyous certainty. She’d never seen anything like it before.” (Vineland, London: Minerva, 1990, p. 210)

Unlike in other Pynchon novels, where stronger revolutionary dynamics offer some measure of redemption  think the rocket counterforce in Gravity’s Rainbow (1973) or the anarchists of Against the Day (2006)  Vineland presents a kind of smaller-scale survival. This has little to do with the survivalism of contemporary ideology; it concerns instead the endurance of a daughter, a broken family, a deferred dream. The novel’s ironic, “sitcom-like” closure signals the collapse of grand revolutionary energies, yet it also preserves the conditions for residual hope, as a not-yet-conscious desire.

Domesticity, seemingly apolitical, acquires a quiet political charge: everyday intimacy  family, storytelling, solidarity  carries its own utopian weight, a quiet refusal to surrender to surveillance and state power.

Back to Anderson’s film, reading it solely as a spectacle-driven flattening of utopian potential misses its attention to alternative forms of resistance: the ways family (however dysfunctional), lasting friendship, and the solidarity of margin-walkers operate as loci of present-day political possibility, echoing Vineland’s intimate counterforces.

In both works, “family” does not mean private retreat but a resistant social microstructure. In Vineland, Prairie’s search for her mother and the reconstitution of family becomes an allegory for rebuilding social memory and solidarity among the dispossessed. In One Battle After Another, family or communal ties among marginal figures resist incorporation into spectacle.

The margins, here, are not merely social but ontological , spaces of possibility where people can still act outside pre-scripted media narratives. This is Pynchons counterforce transposed into the visual register: not heroic revolution but distributed, everyday persistence.

Consider, for instance, Sensei Sergio’s  (Willas Latino karate teacherquiet kindness, resourcefulness, and composure, each put to work within the underground network protecting undocumented immigrants from fascist violence. Also, in the same sequence of this whole alternative organization of urban daily life  one of the films highpoints , the row-on-skateboard shot: youth in motion becomes a visual motif for marginality and improvisation, recalling the latent, restless energies of Pynchons world.

Skateboarding and urban or suburban youth culture resurge here as a figurative synthesis of life pulsating through camaraderie, rebellion, freedom, and the survival of alternative social spaces within rigidly structured, often oppressive environments. Like Prairie’s navigation of domestic and marginal spaces in Vineland, these fleeting moments of youthful mobility suggest the ongoing possibility of living otherwise, of asserting autonomy and solidarity under conditions that would otherwise constrain and surveil. In such gestures, Anderson’s new film finds its quiet politics: not the spectacle of sacrifice, but the slow labour of care. Not, therefore, a revolution televised, but one quietly sustained, in movement, memory, and ongoing attention.

Still, as Richard Brody recently noted in The New Yorker, whereas films such as Godard’s La Chinoise (1967) and Antonioni’s Zabriskie Point (1970) sustained a documentary rapport with real activists and with the immediate experience of the political action they depict, One Battle After Another privileges instead the register of affective labor, resulting, according to the critic, in a film that is at once “brilliant and hollow”, “a vision of hopeful possibilities” yet “unmoored from realities”.

What may appear as vacuity, however, is less a failure of the film than the index of an objective impasse. The absence of direct “revolutionary labor” reflects the very logic of late neoliberalism, in which collective action, in the context of displaced industrialization and hyperproductivity, has been utterly fragmented, depleted, and aestheticized.

Ultimately, both Vineland and One Battle After Another converge in the imagination of a politics of the remainder, a politics of what persists when the grand narratives of emancipation seem exhausted. Pynchon had already intuited, amid the conservative backlash of the ’80s, that resistance would survive less as armed insurgency than as residual energy, dispersed through everyday gestures of care, memory, and solidarity. Anderson, in turn, translates this intuition into the visual regime of the twenty-first century, in which total mediation and spectacle have replaced direct experience. His wager is that pockets of meaning and community can still be cultivated within this regime: autonomous zones of affect and attention, where politics is relearned as a patient and shared practice.

Far from standing in opposition to collective organization, these zones may in fact be more closely in tune with forms of control of economic power devised by and for the working class, rooted in networks of material solidarity, mutual care, and the democratic reappropriation of urban space, and the available resources and means of production and survival.

What the film inherits from Vineland is not merely disillusionment, but the persistence of the possible in a time when we seem unable to see even a hand’s breadth ahead: a minimal utopia, that insists on germinating beneath the ruins of the spectacle.

[A previous version of this piece appeared in Portuguese on A Terra é Redonda]