Wednesday, February 26, 2025

The Tailcoated Nobodies

A Close-Reading of Kafka’s ‘Ausflug ins Gebirge’

»Ich weiß nicht«, rief ich ohne Klang, »ich weiß ja nicht. Wenn niemand kommt, dann kommt eben niemand. Ich habe niemandem etwas Böses getan, niemand hat mir etwas Böses getan, niemand aber will mir helfen. Lauter niemand. Aber so ist es doch nicht. Nur daß mir niemand hilft –, sonst wäre lauter niemand hübsch. Ich würde ganz gern – warum denn nicht – einen Ausflug mit einer Gesellschaft von lauter Niemand machen. Natürlich ins Gebirge, wohin denn sonst? Wie sich diese Niemand aneinander drängen, diese vielen quer gestreckten und eingehängten Arme, diese vielen Füße, durch winzige Schritte getrennt! Versteht sich, daß alle in Frack sind. Wir gehen so lala, der Wind fährt durch die Lücken, die wir und unsere Gliedmaßen offen lassen. Die Hälse werden im Gebirge frei! Es ist ein Wunder, daß wir nicht singen.«

‘I don’t know’, I shouted quietly, ‘I really don’t know. If no one comes, then no one comes. I haven’t hurt anyone, no one has hurt me, but no one will help me. Really no one. But it’s not like that. The thing is, no one is helping me – otherwise, really no one wouldn’t be bad. I’d love to – and why not? – go on an excursion in the company of real nobodies. Naturally, to the mountains, where else? How these nobodies come together, these many arms stretched out and intertwined, these many feet, just a few steps apart! You can understand why they’re all wearing tails. We go on like this, light and loose, the wind blowing through the spaces that we and our limbs have left open. Our necks are free in the mountains! It’s a wonder we don’t sing.’

Probably written in the winter of 1909-1910, ‘Der Ausflug ins Gebirge’ is one of several short masterpieces Kafka composed throughout his life. A fragment of an unfinished novella (Description of a Struggle, a fantastic narrative seemingly inspired by Hofmannsthal’s Letter of Lord Chandos), it was later included in Kafka’s first published collection, Contemplation (1912). The short story we have chosen to translate and analyze distills, with Flaubertian rigor, the fin de siècle spirit that dominated Europe until the outbreak of the First World War: the pathos of nineteenth-century culture’s degeneration under the pressures of modernization, the growing inadequacy of traditional language and forms to capture a world in constant upheaval, and the restless anticipation – of a great crisis, the end of an era, a new beginning? – so characteristic of the period.

The text opens with uncertainty as the narrator’s fundamental disposition (‘I really don’t know’), an uncertainty that feels desperate or impotent (‘I screamed without making a sound’). This uncertainty quickly falters, giving way to indifference (‘If no one comes, then no one comes’). His subsequent reflection (‘I haven’t hurt anyone, no one has hurt me’) leads to a resigned conclusion, almost lamenting in tone (‘but no one will help me’). Though the circumstances surrounding him remain unknown, his isolation is unmistakable. There is a sense of reciprocity in causing no harm, yet none when it comes to receiving help. The fact that no one comes to his aid suggests that he may not occupy a privileged social position.

Still, uncertainty remains the dominant force, hinting at something left unsaid: ‘It’s not like that.’ What has been stated so far is, at best, only half the truth. This expectation of a shift is immediately thwarted by a return to complaint (‘It so happens that no one helps me’), which is then abruptly cut shortboth visually and rhythmicallyby a dash, splitting the narrative’s flow in two, as if marking a fracture in thought. Despite his regret that no one helps him, that he has no one to rely on, something about the phrase lauter Niemand (no one at all, simply no one) seems oddly appealing to him. Suddenly, this shift in perception gives rise to the daydream that follows: ‘I would loveand why not?to go on an excursion in the company of real nobodies [lauter Niemand].

After a sequence of negations (‘I don’t know’, ‘no sound’, ‘no one is coming’, ‘I haven’t hurt anyone’, ‘no one will help me’), the waking dream begins with a positive impulsealbeit one tempered by the conditional mood (‘I would love to’) and the unmistakable mark of pure potentiality (‘and why not?’). The attentive reader will notice that, in the original, Niemand is now capitalized; it is no longer a pronoun, as it had been up to this point, but a nounsomething akin to a nobody. From here on, the narrator signals his anonymous, negative condition not with a tone of complaint but with a newly affirmative inflection.

The wordplay implicitly alludes to Ulysses’ trick to escape from Polyphemus in Book IX of the Odyssey. As Adorno and Horkheimer famously observe in Dialectic of Enlightenment: ‘Whoever, in order to save himself, calls himself Nobody and adopts assimilation to the state of nature as a means of dominating nature, becomes a victim of hubris.’ In the struggle to prevail against the nocturnal forces of myth, the line between courage and the conceit of emerging individuality is perilously thin. Still according to Adorno and Horkheimer, the instrumentalization of reason in the effort to preserve one’s identity paradoxically carries the risk of relapsing into depersonalization.

Incidentally, though with different meanings, the transformation of anonymity into a personalized conditionthrough the substantivization of the pronoun nobodyalso appears in several of the young Brecht’s plays. In Drums in the Night, for instance, the undead soldier returning home, exhausted from the imperialist war, hides his identity to avoid joining his comrades in the ongoing German Revolution. In A Man is a Man, the fragmentation of the individual is depicted as a forcenot in a heroic sense, but as a means of survival in capitalist society: dehumanization, the abstraction of the worker, becomes a prerequisite for entering the labor market. A similar theme emerges in the didactic plays, notably The Decision (often translated as The Measures Taken), where the point of view is collective and constantly shifting; the agitators are no longer distinct individuals but rather ‘blank sheets of paper on which the Revolution writes its instructions’. This motif also appears in Brecht’s Stories of Mr. Keuner, whom Benjamin described as a ‘Swabian Odysseus’. Notably, in the dialect of Brecht’s hometown, Augsburg, Keuner is pronounced similarly to keiner (‘none’), a synonym for niemand (‘nobody’). Without any trace of lofty idealism, says Benjamin, this modern Odysseus enters the cave of a new one-eyed monster: the class state.

In Kafka’s work, we find variations on this theme – for instance, in ‘A Report to an Academy’, where a chimpanzee recounts his escape from captivity. Rather than fleeing blindly in pursuit of some vague notion of freedoma choice that would likely have led to a worse fate (perhaps life in a zoo or even death) – he instead seeks to suppress his animal nature by learning and imitating human behavior. This adaptation is not driven by any admiration for human existence but rather by sheer necessity: it is the only path available to him if he wishes to escape the confines of the circus cage alive.

In ‘Excursion to the Mountains’, the narrator’s identification as a true nobody is neither a survival strategy nor a regression to a state of pure indifferentiation. However, it may anticipate something akin to what we find decades later in African American modernist writersparticularly Ralph Ellison and LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka – where the ruse of invisibility, so to speak, takes on different meanings. In their work, invisibility is sometimes linked to the intoxicating sense of freedom that comes with deliberately renouncing the demand for recognition within the cultural and political framework of the white oppressor. At other times, it reflects the struggle to untangle the contradictions of being a Black intellectual in a racist society where culture itself is coded as a white domain. In any case, becoming nobody appears in these writers as a negation of the negation of their own rootsan overturning of the bad invisibility embraced by segments of the Black middle class as the price of entry into citizenship (or rather, sub-citizenship) within the white nation. In Baraka’s work, this negation of the negation foreshadows a form of class solidarity among those excluded from the white social order (on this, see chapter 7 of Ross Posnock’s Color & Culture).

Kafka’s use of nobody follows a slightly distinct trajectory. As we shall see, the word, initially a generic pronoun that negatively and indifferently subsumes everyone into an abstract universality, transforms at a certain point in the text into a specific nounconcretely designating something like a class of anonymous subjects.

In German, niemand has no plural form, yet the narrator makes it clear that this is not just one nobody but rather a collective of disqualified individuals (diese Niemand), a bunch of nobodies (another possible, though non-literal, translation of lauter Niemand). At this stage, dissatisfaction no longer leads to resignation, as it did earlier in the story; instead, it gives rise to the projection of an alternative collective existence. ‘An association of nothing but nobodies [eine Gesellschaft von lauter Niemand]’ now appears as a possibleor even desirable – alternative (‘and why not?’) to the mutilating isolation of bourgeois society, to the unsociable sociability (in Kant’s terms) that dominates a world of anonymous production and atomized individuals reduced to monads.

The break from monadic isolation is imagined as an escape to the mountains – but why naturally? As we know, Kafka excels at making the ordinary seem extraordinary and the offbeat appear mundane. Yet here, even in the conventional sense, mountains embody an exceptional temporality, seemingly outside the rhythms of bourgeois life. This meaning is reinforced by timeless myths across cultures – from Sisyphus to Farizade in The Thousand and One Nights, from Mount Olympus to the Himalayaswhere mythology and the essence of the mountains are inseparable. In such stories, the act of climbing takes on a range of meanings: from divine punishment to the inevitable ordeal of a hero or heroine on the path to spiritual perfection. (One might recall, in passing, that in Camus’s famous reading, aside from symbolizing the absurdity of human existence, the Sisyphean effort towards the heights, in which one can detect a mockery of fatality by the condemned even in the knowledge of inevitable defeat, would not fail to contain a certain value in its propensity to fill a mans heart with joy.) The Jewish tradition also reinforces this symbolism, as mountains are often sites of great revelation, where divine wisdom is bestowed or received: Abraham takes Isaac to be sacrificed on Mount Moriah; Moses receives the Torah on Mount Sinai; after the massacre of the Baal worshippers on Mount Carmel, Jehovah reveals himself to Elijah on Mount Horeb…

Beyond the traditional meanings associated with mountainswhich Kafka was surely aware of – the exceptional nature of the scene is further emphasized, once again with an air of naturalness, by the fact that the nobodies are dressed to the nines (‘it is understandable that they are all wearing tails’). As if self-evident, the narrator invokes a marker of bourgeois distinction (the frock coat, typically worn for grand festivities such as weddings) and subverts its conventional useafter all, no one in their right mind wears a tuxedo on a mountain hike. Yet he preserves its deeper significance: extravagance, certainly, but one tied to the experience of communal luxury – borrowing the title words from Kristin Ross’s phenomenal study of the political imaginary of the Paris Commune.

Here, as in other parts of his work (recalling Adorno’s observations in Prisms), Kafka makes literature ‘out of the dregs of reality. He does not sketch an image of the society to come – like all great art, his work refrains from envisioning the future – but instead assembles the discarded fragments of the present, the waste left behind by the emerging new order as it renders the old obsolete.’

Stylistically, the text is not difficult to analyze, as it unfolds across three distinct levels, each corresponding to a different temporal plane. The main narration, enclosed within quotation marks, unfolds in the present tense (‘I know’, ‘comes’, ‘helps me’, ‘they come together’, ‘we follow’, ‘they become’), though it is itself divided into two temporal registersthat of the narrator’s cloistered daily life and that of his daydream. Meanwhile, outside the quotation marks, in the brief apostrophe at the very beginning of the story, the past tense (‘I shouted’) signals a distance from the narrated episode. The text’s dialectical structure suggests that the horizon of possibility opens precisely within the suffocating confines of isolation: the initial telegraphic, fragmented style gradually gives way, in the reverie that follows, to looser, more fluid sentences.

The dialectical mirroring in Kafka’s prose is striking: the fearless advance of the community of nobodies, faces turned into the wind, imaginatively supplants the total impotence of the isolated individual. The tuxedo – perhaps the true garment of the Ausnahmezustand of the dispossessed? – replaces the original nakedness, which in the first half of the narrative is rendered by the sheer absence of concrete referents. The rarefied, stifling atmosphere of the initial cocoon contrasts sharply with the richer, more empirical descriptions of the imagined life, which seems more tangible than the narrator’s real existence: the nobodies have arms, feet, necks, and, presumably, voices, as well as their formal attire. The ‘we’ of the dream replaces the fractured I-them dichotomy, without erasing the I altogether. The sense of shared freedom – moving ‘light and loose’, with ‘necks free’, and with ‘spaces left open’ despite walking together – stands in direct opposition to the suffocating confinement of daily life, the perpetual feeling of a rope around one’s neck. The solidarity of intertwined arms and synchronized steps in the open air of the mountain peaks critically contrasts with the isolated subject of the first part. And finally, the prospect of song – remembering that for Kafka, as Benjamin observed, singing often serves as a symbol of escape, a pledge of hope from the liminal world of helpers, the unskilled, and the undefined creatures like Odradekopposes the stifled cry at the beginning. Silence prevails in both, but with entirely different meanings: at first, mute affliction and a muffled voice; at the end, one might imagine, the serene stillness of elevation, of being finally free from the strangling rope.

The self-denial imposed by the anonymous processes of labor is a negative experience, yet it also holds the potential for negating the bourgeois self that we all, to some extent, carry within us. The crucial distinction lies in whether one extracts something positive from this negative experience or simply embraces the negative as positivea distinction that, broadly speaking, separates modernism from postmodernism. It is what distinguishes poetry of alienation from alienated poetry (drawing on the Lukácsian framework explored by the young Roberto Schwarz in A Sereia e o Desconfiado).

The subman of Kafka’s and Brecht’s narratives – the schizoid subject emptied of all the psychological richness associated with bourgeois interiority, with its burden of suffering and repression – is undoubtedly a promise of post-bourgeois existence. Yet, as Terry Eagleton observes in a 1985 article, this figure remains too close to the faceless employees of advanced capitalism to be embraced uncritically. Unlike postmodernism, however – and still following Eagleton – modernism did not fail to evoke, albeit in negative ways, a dense experience of time, one that was increasingly difficult to articulate in traditional ideological terms.

In other words, the best modernist works exposed the limits of traditional forms by introducing unprecedented landscapes and subjective nuances that these forms could not contain without distorting them. At the same time, modernists remained sufficiently aware of the very languages they were critiquing, allowing them to subject the new condition of the modern alienated subject to an implicitly critical treatment in turn.

Something of this can be seen in Kafka’s short story, where the movement of the interior monologue is discontinuous but not inarticulate. The utopian image, encapsulated in the dreamlike evocation of the misfits’ high-altitude excursion, is not to be confused with the imageless depiction of the confined-life hell suggested in the first part, marked by an incessant oscillation between helplessness and despair, disgust and indifference. Rather, it stands in diametric opposition to it.

At the same time, the quotation marks and apostrophe signal the narrator’s ability to narrate under conditions hostile to narration, allowing him to distance himself both from the suffocated present and from mere imaginary escape. Neither existing reality nor daydreaming has the final word, but rather the tension between the two, the mismatch, within the same individual, between the peaceful, adapted existence of a middle-class employee, drained by work and lamenting the time lost in making a living, and the imaginary life of the potential outcast, who dreams of breaking free from his conformist self but lacks the strength to do so alone. This is Kafka’s undramatic drama, situating him somewhere between Chekhov and Beckett: the awareness of damage, but no one to join forces with to put an end to the false life.

This does not distort the longing for a higher life – a longing that, for Kafka, found no better expression than the image of the galloping Indian: a life unburdened by separations and preordained identities. As he writes in one of his posthumously published aphorisms: 

»Die Freuden dieses Lebens sind nicht die seinen, sondern unsere Angst vor dem Aufsteigen in ein höheres Leben; die Qualen dieses Lebens sind nicht die seinen, sondern unsere Selbstqual wegen jener Angst.«  
In Michael Hofmann’s translation: ‘The joys of this life are not its joys, but our fear of climbing into a higher life; the torments of this life are not its torments, but our self-torment on account of this fear.’

[This article first appeared on Mundo das Formas, Jan. 2021]

Tuesday, February 25, 2025

Lessons from Germany

Why Today’s Left Is Losing the Working Class


In the January 2025 French print edition of Le Monde Diplomatique, two articles appear back-to-back in what seems like an unintentional but revealing montage. The first, by Jens Malling, revisits Eisenhüttenstadt, a town built in the 1950s, once envisioned as a socialist model city, designed to integrate labor, culture, and daily life into an egalitarian framework. It traces the steady erosion of rich, diverse public spaces, mapping the transformation of urban landscapes once anchored by libraries, community centers, and non-commercial gathering places, now gutted by privatization, surveillance, and the reduction of civic life to consumerist routine. The second, by Boris Grésillon, chronicles the dramatic rise of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) among young men in East Germany – particularly in small towns and cities where public institutions that once structured collective life have withered away. Offering a parallel but sharper political portrait, it examines the rising disaffection of young white blue-collar men, increasingly isolated, resentful, and drawn toward right-wing populism.

Side by side, these accounts trace a grim historical arc: from the GDR’s attempt to build integrated, meaningful public spaces to a present where their absence leaves a vacuum the far-right has been all too ready to fill. This apparently unintended juxtaposition reveals something deeper: strip away high-quality communal spaces – youth centers, cultural halls, political forums – and what’s left is an unstructured drift, a social free-fall. And in that free-fall, in an era where social media dictates the terms of belonging, reactionary forces don’t just set up shop – they roll in with a full-fledged theme park, prepared to accommodate. As Grésillon notes, the AfD’s youth wing (Junge Alternative) doesn’t just hand out pamphlets on the glory of the Vaterland; they throw concerts, lead motorcycle outings, and cultivate a meticulously curated digital presence. This proactive engagement in shaping identity and belonging reflects a broader social shift that followed the collapse of the GDR’s socialist project, which created not only economic voids but also cultural and psychological ones – gaps the political establishment of the past three decades has failed to address. And as establishment parties struggle to retain trust, the AfD continues to exploit the resulting sense of betrayal and alienation. 

As Perry Anderson outlined more than a decade ago (in ‘A New Germany?’), the country’s post-reunification trajectory has been shaped by an economic model that has fostered both prosperity and social fragmentation, particularly in the former East:
‘For unification decisively weakened labour. When West German trade unions attempted to extend their organizations to the East, and uphold nation-wide wage rates comparable to those in the West, they encountered industries that were crumbling so fast, and workers so beaten by surrounding unemployment, that failure was more or less foreordained.’
Cheaper labor in Eastern Europe and the outsourcing of industrial plants to Third World countries drastically weakened German trade unions, both in membership and in their ability to resist pressure from capital. In every respect, Germany’s shift toward neoliberalism dismantled the structures that once provided stability and a sense of collective purpose for working-class communities. 

The stark contrast between Eisenhüttenstadt’s egalitarian urbanism and today’s disaffected East German towns underscores the material conditions necessary for a culturally rich and socially meaningful life. A similar dynamic could be observed in the late Soviet era. Sociological studies conducted in the 1970s and 1980s in Roubtsovsk and among the rural population of Novosibirsk reveal that, despite the Soviet system’s evident decline – and partly due to the underground economy operating in the shadow of the bureaucratic state – living standards improved during this period. Housing conditions and access to durable goods rose significantly, education levels increased, leisure opportunities expanded, and a third of the population had access to communal gardens, improvements that particularly benefited the less privileged. 

Not everything was rosy – far from it. Yet, as Moshe Lewin showcased in The Soviet Century, cultural participation in former Soviet states declined sharply in the 1990s: fewer people attended theaters, circuses, concerts, and libraries, or engaged with literature and newspapers. Leisure, once culturally enriching, increasingly shifted toward passive, restorative activities, mirroring trends in the West, where the heavier workloads brought on by unrestrained capitalism left little time or energy for intellectual and artistic pursuits. Overall, while the expansion of liberal freedoms and services benefited the highly skilled and entrepreneurial, the majority saw its access to cultural life drastically curtailed. Long before the advent of the internet, social networks, and smartphones, television – coupled with its declining quality – was already exerting a particularly damaging effect on children, who spent hours alone in front of screens. Unlike in the West, this was not yet the case in the USSR during the 1980s. 

Across the former Eastern Bloc and beyond, public space has withered under neoliberal capitalism – another casualty in its long con, leaving a void where collective life once thrived. In the face of this decay, rather than tending to the ruins, much of the contemporary Left – armed with postmodern jargon and the righteous fervor of a Twitter mob – has doubled down on a ghostly crusade of its own. In this theater, whiteness has become a metaphysical stain, masculinity a form of radioactive fallout, and working-class culture the ever-present suspect in an ideological witch trial. In the cleansed, gentrified neighborhoods of major Western cities today, where dive bars have become gluten-free bakeries, laundromats have been reborn as kombucha co-ops, and contact with working-class people, the poor, and the homeless has dwindled to a vanishing point – except when their service is needed to sustain a lifestyle reserved for a privileged few – the new urban clergy – performatively tolerant, polygender-friendly, vegan militant, holistic wellness-obsessed, and thoroughly convinced of their own revolutionary zeal – proselytize in the language of ‘epistemic disobedience’, ‘cultural appropriation’, ‘cis-heteronormativity’, and ‘white privilege’ – terms that, rather than serving as tools of material critique, often function as ritualistic incantations, summoning guilt, expiation, and the dull glow of self-congratulatory despair. 

Of course, not all cultural progressives fit this caricature – many remain steadfast allies in the struggle against the forces of capital. But the Left’s fixation on identity politics – where gender and race emancipation are framed not as fundamental human rights but as an alternative, or even an opposition, to the focus on economic justice – has only deepened alienation and hardened resentment, leaving a void where working-class solidarity should be. And into that void, the far-right, lurking at the fringes, eagerly steps in, offering what much of the Left has abandoned: recognition, belonging, purpose. That it comes wrapped in tinfoil conspiracies and the gaudy nostalgia of reactionary politics makes it no less seductive. 

Rebuilding a Left capable of taking on the far-right requires ditching the sermonizing, the neoliberal guilt-tripping, the endless TED Talk on why the working class and class struggle are relics of a museum exhibit, rather than the engine of meaningful change. Instead of lecturing young white men on their insufficiently deconstructed (or ‘decolonized’) identities, the Left must be able to offer new platforms for envisioning universal emancipation, where solidarity is built not on moral chastisement, but on shared material struggle. 

At first glance, Sahra Wagenknecht’s new party in Germany appears to be a step forward, positioning itself as a bulwark against the rise of the AfD. BSW’s call for economic interventionism, a robust welfare state funded by the wealthy, and a break from corporate dominance marks a genuine – if incomplete – effort to reorient politics toward material concerns. Her critique of today’s culturalist Left is not without merit – she rightly condemns its retreat from class politics into a narrow, moralizing focus on ‘Left-lifestyle’ issues, where diet and pronouns take precedence over poverty and inequality, and where structural injustice is framed as a matter of individual guilt rather than systemic transformation. 

And yet, in seeking to reclaim the working class from the far-right, BSW mirrors some of the very tendencies it seeks to counter. Its hostility to immigration, cloaked in appeals of social solidarity, betrays the very universalism it claims to uphold. The idea that welfare must be confined within rigid national or cultural boundaries cedes ground to reactionary narratives, scapegoating migrants rather than confronting capital itself. Likewise, its rejection of gender inclusivity and embrace of ‘traditional family values’ signal an uneasy alliance with conservative forces that see cultural progressivism not as a misguided emphasis, but as an existential threat. 

A conservative Left is a contradiction in terms. A genuine Left movement must look beyond national borders, to the fight against global inequality, the revival of internationalism, and the reaffirmation of solidarity, forged in struggle both locally and globally with all those dispossessed by capital, neo-imperialism, and ecological collapse. This begins, above all, with standing alongside the displaced, the migrants drowned at sea, torn apart by landmines, gunned down by vigilantes, asphyxiated in cargo containers, locked in detention centers, hunted by neo-Nazi gangs, and condemned to misery in the heart of wealthy nations. To turn away from their suffering is not just politically bankrupt, it is morally indefensible. 

But solidarity cannot stop at bearing witness to suffering, it must translate into material change. The conditions that force millions into displacement are not accidents of fate; they are the direct result of an economic order designed to extract, exploit, and discard. Addressing these crises requires more than moral outrage, it demands a radical rethinking of economic power itself. 

In a 2021 interview, the late Mike Davis was spot on about what needed to be done to counter today’s political ecosystems of fear:
‘The Left puts far too much emphasis on raising taxes and far too little on economic power. Who makes the decisions in the economy and who controls the economy? We need to talk more about public ownership of certain parts of the economy. Social media and Amazon are among the essential infrastructure of a society today. Socialists and middle-class progressives argued at the beginning of the 20th century to put telephone, water and electricity companies in public hands. Regulation is one thing, but nationalizing is better in some cases. During the financial crisis, many people realized that we had nationalized the banks outright. Then we quickly sold them again. Why didn’t we keep them?’
He had been touching on the same key at least since Occupy Wall Street: ‘The great issue,’ he wrote in ‘No More Bubble Gum’, ‘is not raising taxes on the rich or achieving a better regulation of banks. It’s economic democracy: the right of ordinary people to make macro-decisions about social investment, interest rates, capital flows, job creation, and global warming. If the debate isn’t about economic power, it’s irrelevant.’ 

For a clearer path forward, we should follow Davis’s lead in Old Gods, New Enigmas and turn to labor history – not as nostalgia, but as a blueprint for a new proletarian counterculture, one that resists bureaucratic inertia and transcends the narrow confines of economic calculus. This vision hinges on insurgent, innovative technologies and the radical democratization of urban life, anchored in a profusion of alternative institutions: public housing reclaimed from speculation, communal spaces for organizing, education, and militant action; labor colleges, consumer cooperatives, hiking clubs, even free psychoanalytic clinics – sites where class solidarity is built and autonomy forged. 

A radical structural analysis of contemporary society gains real social force and momentum only when it is grounded in a transformative lived experience. Reclaiming public space doesn’t mean repackaging it as yet another gentrified marketplace, where once-thriving streets are sterilized as hipster food courts hawking overpriced craft IPAs. It means restoring the commons as a living, breathing foundation for anti-authoritarian culture, where politics is not a performance but a daily practice. And it means embracing history, not as a cautionary tale, but as a roadmap forward. 

By addressing radical working class needs amid perpetual economic crisis and environmental breakdown – rejecting the false choice between making it to the end of the month and confronting the end of the world – this proletarian public sphere, as Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge would call it, would serve as both the strongest bulwark against the rising tide of neofascism and a transformative blueprint for a new social life. A viable future depends on workers reclaiming control – over the economy, over public life, over the very terms of political struggle. Only through cross-border class solidarity and a revived oppositional public sphere can we break free from managed decline and build a world that bridges the everyday with the utopian, where collective emancipation is not just an aspiration but a lived reality.